19.12.2009
¿ y ahora qué ?
http://www.dosdoce.com/continguts/res_libros/vistaSola_ca...
Pequeño hombre, ¿y ahora qué?
Autor: Hans Fallada
Editorial: Maeva

Los años de entreguerras fueron una época muy fértil para la literatura en lengua alemana, como lo fue para la pintura. Una "época dorada" a pesar de las circunstancias convulsas en las que crecía -o quizá por eso- tras los vestigios de un fin de siglo decadente, también fecundo. Del Expresionismo a la Nueva objetividad, las letras del ámbito germano intentaban todo tipo de recursos poéticos y narrativos con los que reflejar una vez más un cambio de mentalidad y, con ello, sus transformaciones sociales y políticas. (Son todavía los años de Kafka, Hofmannsthal, Trakl, Döblin, Musil, junto a Thomas Mann, Hesse, Roth, Broch, por citar a los muy conocidos y representativos.) Hans Fallada se ubica en este período de tanta "competencia", años finales para él de acoso político y controvertido "exilio interior". Y años en los que el debate literario, por su profundidad, en ocasiones parece obviar su tiempo -dos guerras mundiales- para ceñirse al intento de devolverle a la literatura el rango de "bella arte", cansados de la actitud acomodaticia y esteticista del Biedermeier o del realismo burgués.
En Pequeño hombre, ¿y ahora qué? (Ediciones Maeva; inmejorable traducción), Fallada pudiera querer adscribirse con más firmeza a esa Nueva objetividad, alejándose de derivas narrativas un tanto manieristas en las que prevalece el narrador y la fábula dentro del relato -como haría en Una vez tuvimos un hijo- sobre los diálogos ágiles, sencillos -en su caso muy acertados- de esta nueva corriente y forma que descubrimos en Pequeño hombre. Un lenguaje claro, coloquial, que a veces nos podría recordar al Döblin de Berlin, Alexanderplatz pero sin sus intenciones narrativas e implicaciones estéticas, con una crítica social menos agresiva, aunque igualmente válida. (Ambas con Berlín como trasfondo: la ciudad devoradora que excluye a desempleados y resignados.) Una novela -la de Fallada- con apenas descripciones; los personajes se describen a sí mismos en sus palabras, y con ello al mundo y sociedad que les rodea, más bien les hostiga.
Así lo hacen los pequeños héroes de esta novela, el joven matrimonio Johannes Pinneberg y Emma, a quien él cariñosamente llama "Corderita". Una pareja de la Alemania de finales de los años 20, en plena crisis económica, cuando se apunta cada marco que se gasta, es imposible ahorrar, tener hijos es algo que nadie se puede "permitir", cualquier habitáculo puede ser un hogar -eso o vivir con la madre- y, lo más importante, como afirma el protagonista en uno de sus diálogos de ánimo mutuo con su "Corderita": "¡Sobre todo no quedarse en paro!". (Sí, la pertinencia de la publicación de este libro en este preciso momento es evidente.) También era aquella una época de movimientos sociales y sindicales -estos, a su vez, con sus pequeñas intolerancias y contradictorias pautas-, donde asalariados y obreros, al ver que cada vez eran menos sus derechos y más las humillaciones, elegían a la desesperada entre el comunismo o el nacionalsocialismo en pleno auge. A lo largo de la novela son varios los diálogos espontáneos que describen estas luchas entre ideologías, donde la elección entre uno u otro bando, como afirma uno de los personajes, al final dependía más que nada del aburrimiento. Aburrimiento que crecía cuando no se veía solución alguna a la apretada -y peligrosa- situación que se estaba viviendo.
Con el aumento de las dificultades va decreciendo la inocencia de "Corderita", quien creía en un principio en la solidaridad de los obreros pero que termina por aceptar que luchar por uno mismo es la única manera de seguir adelante. Así, de ser en un principio algo caprichosa, pasa a tomar las riendas del hogar, pero apartando cualquier fantasía sobre una vida mejor para conformarse con lo que tienen, lo poco que pueden conseguir. Mientras, Pinneberg ya estaba experimentando esa falta de solidaridad y envilecimiento entre los empleados cuando trabaja en unos grandes almacenes donde los vendedores se quitan los clientes lo unos a los otros si no quieren ser despedidos por no llegar a un cupo mínimo de ventas, y si no a la calle, o lo tomas o lo dejas.
Fallada consigue hacer de estas trágicas situaciones verdaderas escenas de sátira social. Con algo de candidez, quizá con intención de poner un punto de optimismo a unos tiempos tan extremos, el autor no deja de mostrar trazos de ilusión entre tanta adversidad, haciendo por momentos de su héroe un pusilánime o conformista, pero al cabo luchador. Es el tono con el que Fallada consiguió un éxito amplio de lectores, posiblemente gracias tanto a este estilo claro y "simpático" -si podemos hablar en estos términos-, como a su fácil lenguaje y a la vez perfecta descripción de los conflictos en su país. También a la diversidad de personajes, todos muy logrados, sobre todo en su discurso. Con todo ello, aún consigue hacer una literatura accesible, apacible y de empatía. Así, no estamos ante un Hermann Broch o Thomas Mann -quien por cierto alabó este libro-, pero sí ante un escritor que buscaba hacerse entender desde la claridad, sin falsear u ornamentar por ello el mundo que le rodeaba.
Tampoco faltan los momentos de negación, donde, en las escasas reflexiones directas del autor -fuera de los diálogos- o algún protagonista, las conclusiones se dicen con la rotundidad que merecen:
"¿Puede reír gente como nosotros? ¿Cómo se puede reír, reír de verdad, en un mundo semejante con saneados dirigentes de la vida económica que han cometido mil errores y gentes anónimas, humilladas, pisoteadas, que siempre se esfuerzan cuanto pueden?"
Puede que no haya mucha profundidad en lo que dice, pero tampoco hace falta más. El texto es claro. La moraleja final del libro de Hans Fallada es que, a pesar de todo, si existe el amor las dificultades son menos. Mientras, sólo queda esperar y permitirse el lujo, en el caso de nuestros héroes, de tener un hijo. Y de nuevo quedarse fuera, sin trabajo. Lo cual, pasado un tiempo, a algunos todavía les resulta sospechoso (p.336). Es entonces cuando comienza el desarraigo y la vergüenza. Aquí se termina la sátira.
Texto: José Antonio Vázquez (Equipo Dosdoce)
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30.04.2009
About a page-turner
From
http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=1036...
Books
A Recently Rediscovered Page-Turner Of Nazi Berlin
by John Powers
Fresh Air from WHYY, April 30, 2009 · There are some things that history books, even good ones, can't teach you. I was recently reading The Third Reich at War, the final volume of Richard J. Evans' magnificent trilogy about the rise and fall of Nazi Germany. Late in the book, Evans notes that there was some civilian opposition to Hitler, then adds the crushing truth. It was hopeless. The only people who could've changed things belonged to the military — figures like Count von Stauffenberg, the officer played by Tom Cruise in the movie Valkyrie. The others, however heroic, were just small fry.
Now, if you want to know what it was like to be small fry in that demented reich, you're better off going to Every Man Dies Alone, the recently rediscovered 1947 novel by the German writer Hans Fallada. Vibrantly translated by Michael Hofmann, this story of ordinary resistance to Nazism is at once a riveting page-turner and a memorable portrait of wartime Berlin.
The story centers on a married couple, Otto and Anna Quangel, who hear that their son has been killed in the war. While Anna falls into rage and despair, the normally passionless Otto — a stolid, laconic foreman whose men think of him as a machine — decides they should act. The two begin entering public buildings and leaving a single postcard with an anti-fascist message for someone to find. It's a small act, but they know that one mistake will mean their own doom — as well as ruin their family and friends.
Fallada uses the Quangel's rebellion as the launching pad for a panorama of life under the Nazis. There's the retired judge who quietly deplores Hitler and the apartment super who robs his frail Jewish tenant knowing she won't dare report the crime. There's the Hitler Youth who bullies his parents and the postal worker who flees to the countryside in despair when she learns that her beloved son has been seen smashing Jewish babies' heads against car fenders.
The most complicated figure is Inspector Escherich, the Gestapo man who's chasing the Postcard Phantom, as he calls the people dropping the subversive messages. As he tracks down the Quangels, he goes from being a thoughtless, sometimes violent servant of the Reich to a man who comes to grasp that he himself is merely a replaceable cog in a society run by gangsters.
If anything binds these diverse characters, it's that they share the paradoxical condition created by police states. Even as they feel desperately isolated and alone, they also feel that they're not alone — somebody out there is watching, or could be watching, every single thing they do. It's a feeling Fallada knew first hand. He lived a life of drug abuse, alcoholism, asylums and prison. As both a writer and an addict, he spent much of life trapped inside his own head — yet aware that he was under surveillance.
Perhaps because he was himself an outsider, Fallada has a knack for capturing the small, unglamorous, seemingly futile heroism of the Quangels. Virtually all the people who find their postcards are either such loyal Nazi citizens or so such cowed ones that they instantly turn these hot potatoes into the authorities. And still the Quangels fight their fear and go on.
With its vivid cast of characters and pervasive sense of menace, Every Man Dies Alone is an exciting book. Yet like so many stories about Hitler's Germany, it's also a challenge. It compels you to wonder how you would behave if you were in the same dreadful situation. I mean, it's easy enough to think that, with his position and resources, we would've been as brave as Oskar Schindler, who even had the satisfaction of knowing he was saving lives. But what if you were Otto and Anna — with no real power — and no way of knowing if your actions achieved anything at all?
Without being sentimental about it, Fallada suggests that the Quangels may not have changed the regime, but they did change themselves. The workaholic Otto finds himself opening up to many wonderful things he'd never bothered to notice — he becomes more fully human. As for Anna, she has the transcendent satisfaction of knowing she fought back against evil. She may not have been able to save the world, but at least she tried to save her own soul.
Now that may not seem like very much in the grand sweep of history, but Fallada makes us understand that, in frail, mortal, human terms, such courage is more than enough.
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The Human Comedy
From :
http://www.laweekly.com/2009-04-30/art-books/the-human-comedy-reintroducing-hans-fallada/
The Human Comedy: Reintroducing Hans Fallada
By Nathan Ihara
Published on April 29, 2009 at 5:08pm
Rudolph Ditzen took the pen name Hans Fallada in 1913 to protect his family - his father was a respected judge - from embarrassment at his first angst-ridden novel. He took "Hans" from the folktale of "Lucky Hans," the story of a foolish farmer who barters away all his possessions, trading his life savings for a horse, the horse for a cow, and so on, until he is left carrying a millstone down a dusty road. The farmer's natural optimism, however, is such that he views each new item as a wonderful bit of luck, and when his millstone rolls into a river, he feels "light at heart, free from all his troubles."
"Fallada" derives from the fairy tale of "The Goose Girl," in which a cruel chambermaid swaps identities with a princess as she travels to be married. The only witness is a horse, Falada, whom the false princess orders beheaded. The true princess bribes a servant to have the horse's head nailed above the gate to the city, where it sings songs bewailing the crimes it has witnessed. These twin motifs - the fool's cheer in the face of hardship, and the lonely voice singing against injustice - would mark much of Fallada's work, as he wrote through the economic blight of the Weimar Republic and the atrocities of the Third Reich.
A troubled, sickly, guilt-ridden youth, Fallada was just 18 when he and one of his few friends arranged to kill each other in a staged duel. The friend died, Fallada survived. Over the course of his life, he would spend many years in and out of mental institutions, was often unemployed, and succumbed periodically to his alcohol and morphine addictions. He considered writing his great escape (he called it his "little death"), and he wrote with the same voracious speed as he smoked his hundreds of daily cigarettes. Part of the "New Objectivity" ( "Die Neue Sachlichkeit" ) art movement, Fallada's writing is intentionally plain: Grocery lists make more appearances than metaphors, the characters speak in exclamations, and weep easily. Though the goal is realism, there are elements of pantomime and slapstick. The characters tend to be flat, social types, but Fallada renders them with great sympathy and vividness. There's a strong genetic connection between his writing and the films of Charlie Chaplin- The Tramp is essentially a comic figure rather than a "real" person, yet in his travails and hardships we cannot help but feel his humanity. Fallada's characters - cruel bosses, generous libertines, petty thieves, Nazi thugs, bumbling drunks, hapless young lovers - are a literary paradox, simultaneously static and vibrating with life. There is no great mystery to them, but their lives are full of surprises.
Fallada's 1932 novel, Little Man, What Now?, tells the tale of a naive young married couple, Johannes and Lammchen, as they struggle to make ends meet in the aftermath of World War I. It became an international success, was translated into 20 languages and made into two films. Though the novel's theme is the hardships of poverty, the tone remains light, comic and sweet, with many whimsical scenes, as when Johannes spends all his wages on a fancy dressing table - their only furniture - or when a pregnant Lammchen eats their entire salmon dinner and weeps with guilt. Fallada never directly addresses politics - he is no Bertolt Brecht - but the reader becomes acutely aware of the tensions in the air: National Socialists clash with communists in the street, the parks teem with the unemployed, cruel bosses fire their employees only to fall victim to the next wave of layoffs. By novel's end, Johannes has been crushed by the economy. Ragged, jobless, he cowers in the bushes until his wife coaxes him back into their cottage - a similar note to the last scene of Modern Times as The Tramp urges the beautiful gamin to "Buck up!" Little Man ends on this bittersweet note: Times are hard, food is scarce, there are riots in the streets and strikes at the factory, but hope remains, love remains.
By the time he wrote The Drinker, hope and love were mostly gone. After the rise of the Nazis, Fallada was deemed an undesirable writer, and his marriage had fallen into chaos as a result of his manias and drinking. For firing a revolver at his wife, Fallada was thrown into a psychiatric prison. While there, he wrote a semiautobiographical novel of an incompetent small-town businessman, Erwin Sommer, who destroys his business, his marriage and his life through his sudden infatuation with schnapps. For a ruined man writing in prison during a terrible war, Fallada surprisingly kept his comic undertones, and the first half of the novel has the slapstick escapades of a dark farce. His character makes one poor decision after another, full of braggadocio and self-satisfaction even as he inexorably falls. In one sublime scene, after being called up to a barmaid's room for a tryst, the narrator takes off his shoes but then dreamily climbs out a window and wanders home in the countryside, singing songs and drinking brandy. Only when his wife finds him drinking the last of her cooking sherry does Fallada mention the man's bleeding feet.
This is a repeated Fallada trope: a veneer of humor over half-hidden and horrible truths. By the novel's second half, the veneer begins to scrape away as the narrator's humiliations and degradations mount. He is charged with murder, imprisoned, robbed, beaten, and his nose bitten off by another convict. When The Tramp goes to prison in Modern Times, it is an excuse for a Keystone Cops routine, but Fallada's descriptions of the prison inmates have a harrowing veracity unlike either a Chaplin film or Fallada's Little Man. A lovelorn prisoner is callously tricked out of his tobacco by a beautiful young inmate. Herr Sommer's cellmate, Holz, is a "master" at imagining delicious meals (a common practice among the starving inmates): "He was most eloquent when he described how a farmer had . given the convict-party pieces of bread spread thick with 'good butter'... [and] his voice trembled as he described how his stomach had not been able to stand the unwonted rich food, and he had brought it all up again."
There's a ruthless sadness and accuracy to these details, and one senses that Fallada's old literary model is bending to breaking point. How can his broad plot lines and simple characters encompass such madness? After World War II, Chaplin said if he had known the true extent of the Nazis' monstrosity, he would not have been able to make The Great Dictator, and one of the pleasures of The Drinker is watching Fallada's style shift under the strain of witnessing the naked depths of the human experience.
Released from prison after the war, Fallada was a nervous wreck. He had left his wife, and remarried a fellow morphine addict in Berlin. In hopes of reinspiring him, one of his literary patrons gave him a Gestapo file concerning a famous case that took place in Berlin under Nazi rule: A middle-aged couple, who for years spread hundreds of anti-Nazi propaganda post cards around Berlin, avoided capture and infuriated the SS. Fallada took this material, and at his typical breakneck pace, in 24 days produced Every Man Dies Alone. Having already investigated the suffering of poverty and addiction, in this novel, his masterpiece, he bears witness to the 20th century's greatest crime. Primo Levi hailed the work as "the greatest book ever written about German resistance to the Nazis," and Levi and Fallada's books share an understanding that while the Nazis were evil, the moral corruption of citizens and prisoners themselves was nearly as grotesque.
Fallada's depiction of wartime Berlin reveals dissolution on all levels of civilization: Yes, there are brutish Gestapo agents and sadistic SS torturers, but equally fiendish are the looters, blackmailers and bullies among the general population. When a man, the morning after learning his son has died at the front, complains that Germany's new wealth "isn't worth a single dead body," his neighbor reminds him, "You know I can get you put in a concentration camp for defeatist mutterings like that," and promptly tries to cadge 10 marks.
This is not a novel about a monolithic evil empire but rather one that charts a million transgressions. One of its major side plots features two louts' bumbling attempts to steal a dead Jewish woman's linens. For a few marks a boy beats up his father. The leader of a communist resistance cell smugly orders a young woman to commit suicide because she has jeopardized their security. Every Man Dies Alone is a vision of humanity unmasked, of our basest instincts given free rein.
Fallada spares no one: The retired judge who shelters a Jewish woman is so cold in his rules of her confinement that she decides to kill herself rather than live forever in a shuttered room. Otto and Anna Quangel, the couple heroically defying the Nazis, are shown to be fools: They dream of instigating righteous resistance, but no one reads their post cards; every single one is either destroyed or turned over immediately to the Gestapo. After his capture, and realizing the futility of his efforts, Otto sighs, "Given the chance I'd do it again. Only, I'd do it very differently."
The novel's final chapter, fittingly titled "The End," is aswarm with misery. Yet in these final pages, stripped of hope, love and the last vestiges of civilization, Fallada reaches new artistic heights. In a surreal tangent, Otto Quangel is thrown into a cell with a psychotic SS officer, who believes that he is a dog. This dog-man bites Otto, steals his food, licks his entire body, and generally torments the poor man. But surprisingly, the dog-man learns to like Otto, and as Otto is led away to trial, he "howled piteously ... [and] when Karlchen the dog was driven back into his cell, then Quangel's face was no longer cold and implacable, and in his heart he felt a slight pressure akin to regret. The man who all his life had only ever given his heart to one being, his wife, was sorry to see the multiple murderer, the beast of a man, pass out of his life." Otto has been slipped a cyanide pill, which he plans to take before his execution, but as he's led toward the guillotine, "A terrible, tormenting curiosity tickled him. ... A couple minutes more, he thought. I must know what it feels like to lie on the table. ..." Miraculously, here at the bitter end, the spirit of Lucky Hans is still alive, still nursing his perverse optimism, still finding something worthwhile in his wretched life: His compassion and curiosity may be irrational but they survive. Even the sensation of your own murder has some small value.
After finishing the novel in 1946, Fallada told his sister Elisabeth, "At last I've got one right." He died before he saw it published. The first English translation, lovingly prepared by Melville House, deserves celebration for its historical insight, its literary beauty and its rare sense of humanity.
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08.03.2009
Unlucky Hans
http://www.thenational.ae/article/20090116/REVIEW/8007...
Unlucky Hans
[from The National (see link above) : January 16. 2009
Hans Fallada spent his life nervously vacillating between rebellion against and co-operation with Nazi rule. But just before his death, Sam Munson finds, he wrote the great novel of German resistance.
To the exquisitely cultured 21st-century reader, Primo Levi’s endorsement of a first-rate thriller as “The greatest book ever written about German resistance to the Nazis” might seem improbable. German literature has a well-deserved reputation for formal and philosophical difficulty. The names that English readers most quickly recognise – Thomas Mann, Alfred Döblin, Günter Grass – have come to be almost synonymous with a vision of the novel as an uncompromising, compositionally demanding object, one that makes little concession to its reader. The German canon is no place for thrillers.
But Levi is right. Every Man Dies Alone, the German novelist Hans Fallada’s final book (now available for the first time in English, in a fluid translation by Michael Hofmann), deserves a place among the 20th century’s best novels of political witness.
The story of the novel’s genesis is as dark as the book itself – and its author’s trouble-heavy life. Fallada, a writer of closer stylistic kinship to Graham Greene than to Günter Grass, was born Rudolf Ditzen in 1893. He began his literary career as an outsider, a transplant to Berlin from the provinces with a passionate interest in European literature, a youthful suicide attempt in his past and a string of drug-related arrests on his record (Fallada suffered from morphine addiction for much of his adult life). In 1932, he produced his first best-seller, Little Man, What Now?, the story of a working-class marriage set in the last days of the Weimar Republic.
Two years later, his next novel, Once We Had A Child, brought him to the unfriendly attention of the Nazi authorities for its deviation from the party line on family life. The remaining 14 years of Fallada’s life were spent vacillating unhappily between rebellion against and co-operation with Hitler’s regime. He planned to leave Germany; he abandoned the plans. He wrote forewords to his own novels aimed at placating the authorities by suggesting that, when read correctly, they did not actually contravene government policies. For a time he avoided serious literature, writing humour books and children’s stories. Then he agreed to produce an anti-Semitic novel for Hitler’s propaganda minister, Joseph Goebbels. But during his subsequent incarceration (for domestic violence) in a psychiatric hospital, he used Goebbel’s (somewhat uncertain) backing to procure pen and paper and produce The Drinker – a piercing novel of alcoholism (one of Fallada’s own vices) and social decay, and surely no piece of agitprop.
Fallada was released in December 1944, just months before the Nazi government fell. Shortly thereafter, one of his friends got him a copy of the Gestapo file on Otto and Elise Hampel, a middle-class couple who had embarked on a dangerous and ultimately pointless leafleting campaign against the government. Working from this material, Fallada – his mental and physical health failing, his family life irreparably damaged by his alcoholism and his political status – wrote Every Man Dies Alone.
The book’s protagonists (they are certainly not heroes) are Otto and Anna Quangel, a factory foreman and his wife. Otto is congenitally silent, Anna pathologically generous of spirit. They have an uneventful marriage; a son, Ottochen, at the front; and a soon-to-be-daughter-in-law, Trudel, at home in Berlin. When Ottochen dies at the front (or “falls”, as the argot of the Hitler years had it), Truden collapses at the news, and Otto breaks his long-running silence. Though he helped vote Hitler into power (“It was true, thus far he had been a believer in the Fuhrer’s honest intentions. One just had to strip away the corrupt hangers-on and parasites”), Otto finds himself disenchanted with the government’s war-making abroad and repression at home. He begins a propaganda campaign against the regime, writing out anti-Hitler postcards by hand and depositing them around Berlin. Anna, who had already taken her own small steps towards resistance by sheltering a Jewish refugee for a single night (much to Otto’s anger), is impressed by her husband’s new expressiveness and, like him, driven to act by Ottochen’s death.
Together they scatter postcards and evade the Gestapo for months, causing hilarious internal strife at the security offices on the Alexanderplatz. Eventually Otto fumbles a card en route to a drop, and he and Anna end up in the hands of the security apparatus. Otto is sentenced to execution by the People’s Court (Nazi Germany’s central organ of extra-judicial public punishment), and he dies by guillotine in a dark, stifling basement. Anna, awaiting her own execution date in Berlin’s Old Moabit Prison, dies in a bomb blast during one of the British bombing runs.
Partisans, whether they hide in a forest with guns or drop postcards in Berlin apartment houses, are supposed to win. Even when they do not, we expect them to possess any number of romantic attributes. The Quangels, however, are boring, morally dubious people. Otto, after all, had been an early supporter of Hitler, if not a party member; Anna’s existence is more or less untouched by political conviction; and the two managed to live for years without the slightest inclination to obstruct their government (Anna’s night of refugee shelter aside). But even as passive a character as Otto can be forced to wakefulness by history:
“No, he says to himself, almost aloud. No, Quangel, you’ll never be the same again. I’m curious what Anna’ll have to say to all this... Foreman Otto Quangel walks alertly from machine to machine, takes a hand here, glowers at a chatterbox there, and thinks to himself, That’s the end of that, for good and all. And they haven’t got a clue. As far as they’re concerned, I’m just a doddery old fool... I wonder what I’m going to do next. Because I will do something, I know. I just don’t yet know what it will be ...”
Fallada interweaves the tale of this failed resistance movement – which he paints as almost senseless, eccentric and foredoomed – with those of the lives affected, directly and indirectly, by the Quangels’ decision: Trudel (their deceased son’s fiancée); Emil Borkhausen, a neighbour of the Quangels’ and a petty criminal who, with his partner Enno Kluge, robs an Aryanised apartment in the Quangels’ building; the tenacious, soulless Inspector Escherisch, the policeman assigned to capture the Quangels, whose failure to do so lands him in prison and who only finds a measure of redemption after his release – through suicide. Almost every character Fallada introduces to us dies, most of them at the hands of the government. Fate is blind and cruel in this book, and fear is the definitive component of German life. The Nazi bureaucracy – in which suffocating, indecipherable organisational codes and casual brutalities merge and thrive – possesses the same frightening omnipresence of the city government in Kafka’s The Trial. Readers of Every Man Dies Alone, however, cannot succour themselves with the thought that these officers, these prisons, this justice, are works of the author’s imagination.
The book’s treatment of the Gestapo is perhaps the ultimate source of its particular greatness. The archetypal German literary work of the war years, for good and ill, is Thomas Mann’s Doktor Faustus: the story of a musician seduced by the dionysian attractions of his art (and, obliquely, of a nation seduced by the power and dark glory of Manichean political evil). Layered with discussions of music theory and theological history, Doktor Faustus is, in short, a novel of metaphysics, not a novel of grim particularity. Thus it neglects the dismal everyday that Fallada chronicles so well and so relentlessly: the quantities of booze drunk by the miserable officers, the number of blows delivered in interrogations, the dimensions of prison cells, the colour and details of police and military uniforms, train schedules, back room low-level party meetings. Where Mann might use the police headquarters on the Prinz Albrecht Strasse as a chance to explain the dialectic between modern and medieval German architecture, Fallada sees only petty human evil in action:
“They caught hold of the still-staggering Borkhausen and slung him down the stairs like a sack of potatoes, tumbling over and over... The next sentry grabbed him by the scruff of his neck and screamed ‘You think you can dirty our nice floor here, you pig!’ dragged him to the exit, and heaved him out into the street... The passersby on the Prinz Albrecht Strasse studiously avoided looking at the man sprawled in the dirt...”
That Fallada discerned in all this, and in the brief rebellion and deaths of the Hampels, fit material for a novel demonstrates a piercing psychological acuity. So does his prose, which hurries mercilessly along, bald and frank as time itself:
“‘I’ll throw you in the water, son of a bitch. And it’ll be self-defence...’ Two shots rang out, in quick succession. The Inspector felt the man crumple between his fists, and topple over. Reflexively, Escherisch made a move as he saw the dead man slip off the edge of the pier. His hands wanted to grab hold of him. Then with a shrug the Inspector watched as heavy body smacked into the water and straightaway disappeared.
“Better that way! He said to himself, as he moistened his dry lips. Less evidence. . . He walked slowly back down the pier, up the bank of the lake towards the station.
“The station was locked, the last train was gone. Indifferently, the Inspector set off on the long walk back to Berlin.
“The clock struck.
“Midnight, thought the inspector. He made it to midnight. I’m curious how he’ll like his peace, really curious. Wonder if he’ll feel cheated again? The piece of s***, the whimpering piece of s***.”
Mann’s impulse to metaphysics – to view the catastrophes of one’s own age and the eruption of subterranean human desires primarily as philosophical or aesthetic events – appears in a plurality, if not a majority, of 20th century German fiction, in writers as varied as Arno Schmidt and Alfred Andersch. In On the Natural History of Destruction, a brilliant collection of essays on postwar German literature, the novelist WG Sebald deems this tendency useless, insufficient — even “dubious”, as he puts it in his discussion of Schmidt.
In Sebald’s opinion, witness to the horrors of the war, and in particular the horrors of the camps, demands something else entirely: books of brutal, surgical clarity, the better to express and confront the cataclysmic, a state of being that became quotidian for Germany’s victims. Sebald cites the work of the novelist Hubert Fichte; better known entrants in this field are Levi’s Survival in Auschwitz, Tadeusz Borowski’s This Way for the Gas, Ladies and Gentlemen, Imre Kertész’s Fatelessness.
Sebald’s diagnosis is more accurate than not; thus we don’t typically think of effective books of witness being written by Germans who had ambiguous relationships with the Nazis. But Fallada did write such a book – in the seemingly-impossible span of 24 days, after which he died. It is telling that he took his pen surname from a figure in The Goose-Girl, one of the fairy tales collected by Jakob and Wilhelm Grimm: Fallada, a hapless talking horse so bent on revealing the truth that decapitation failed to silence him.
Sam Munson has written about books for The Times Literary Supplement, The New York Times Book Review, Commentary and numerous other publications.
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Postcard from the Edge
From : http://www.nytimes.com/2009/03/01/books/review/Schillinge...
Postcards From the Edge
Published: February 27, 2009
A signal literary event of 2009 has occurred, but if publishers had been more vigilant, it could have been a signal literary event in any of the last 60 years. This event is the belated appearance in English of the novel "Every Man Dies Alone," the story of a working-class Berlin couple who took on the Third Reich with a postcard campaign intended to foment rebellion against Hitler's Germany. Published in 1947, the book was written in 24 days by a prolific but psychologically disturbed German writer named Rudolf Ditzen, who spent a significant portion of his life in asylums (for killing a friend in a duel, for threatening his wife with a gun), in prison (for embezzling to finance his morphine habit) and in rehab. In spite of his precarious emotional state, he wrote more than two dozen books under the pen name Hans Fallada, which he took from Grimm's Fairy Tales.

Courtesy of Uli and Achim Ditzen
Hans Fallada in 1934.
Falada was the name the Brothers Grimm gave to a slaughtered horse in the story "The Goose Girl," whose head, nailed on a city gate, speaks to its former mistress, a princess who had been betrayed by her servant. The king of the realm, overhearing the talking head, rights the injustice that caused the horse's death. (Fallada added a second "l" to make the name his.) "Hans" he took from the Grimm tale "Hans in Luck," about a man who mistakes his bad luck for good and is contented, let the world jeer as it may. The pen name fulfills its prophecy. Rescued from the grave, from decades of forgetting, this novel, first published just weeks after the author's death, testifies to the lasting value of an intact, if battered, conscience.
Fallada's novel takes place in wartime Berlin. Early in 1941, half a year after the French capitulation to Germany, a Gestapo inspector named Escherich stands in his office on Prinz-Albrecht-Strasse, contemplating a map of the city into which he has stuck 44 red-flagged pins. Each marks a spot where a different inflammatory postcard has been found - "Hetzkarten" that denounce Hitler, hand-written in heavy, clumsy print. The first card reads: "Mother! The Führer has murdered my son. Mother! The Führer will murder your sons too, he will not stop till he has brought sorrow to every home in the world."
Inspector Escherich's job is to locate and stop the distributor of the cards, using the pins as a chart of his movements. Will the "postcard phantom" be found? Escherich's life depends on it; the brutish Obergruppenführer Prall who oversees his activities makes no mystery of that. A terrified populace ensures that the red-flagged pins will continue to be turned in to the authorities. The "phantom" by necessity must live among other people - in a certain building, on a certain street, in a certain neighborhood - during a time when "half the population is set on locking up the other half" and any unusual (or usual) behavior can be reported by neighbors intent on saving their own skins. Every man may die alone, but nobody lives alone, or entirely unobserved.
The "phantom" turns out to be a quiet, cautious, middle-aged couple, Otto and Anna Quangel. The building they live in also houses a timid Jewish grandmother whose husband has been arrested, a bookish judge and a bestial Nazi family. Other characters pass through, from mail carriers, housekeepers and policemen to an opportunistic thug and a whiny drifter,as well as the Quangels' prospective daughter-in-law. Quangel, a taciturn factory foreman, has always kept to himself, using a shield of surliness to ward off any person but his wife, any activity but his work. He has neither joined nor defied the Nazi Party. But when he learns that his only son, who never wanted to be a soldier, has died at the front, Quangel is shaken from his passivity, inspiring the postcard plot. When his wife protests that this resistance is too inconsequential to make a difference, he retorts, "Whether it's big or small, Anna, if they get wind of it, it'll cost us our lives." "He might be right," she concludes. "No one could risk more than his life. Each according to his strength and abilities, but the main thing was, you fought back."
The Otto and Anna Quangel of Fallada's novel are stand-ins for real-life Berliners, Otto and Elise Hampel, a working-class couple who conducted a postcard campaign for more than two years at the height of Hitler's power, after Elise's brother was killed in the war. Arrested in October 1942, they were sentenced to death by the Volksgerichtshof (People's Court) in January 1943 and executed by beheading. Their Gestapo files came into Fallada's hands in the fall of 1945, entrusted to him by a poet and postwar culture official, Johannes Becher, who knew of Fallada's prolific literary output and recognized his gift for objective narration.
In a publishing hat trick, Melville House allows English-language readers to sample Fallada's vertiginous variety - and understand Becher's faith in him - by accompanying the release of Michael Hofmann's splendid translation of "Every Man Dies Alone" with the simultaneous publication of excellent English versions of Fallada's two best-known novels, "Little Man - What Now?" (translated by Susan Bennett) and "The Drinker" (translated by Charlotte and A. L. Lloyd).
In "Little Man - What Now?" (first published in Germany in 1932), a white-collar salesman named Pinneberg and his working-class bride try to find employment in Berlin, but their fortunes are ruined by the global depression. (Imagine a Horatio Alger novel in which the humble hero fails.) When a policeman bullies Pinneberg - jobless, collarless and nearly pfennigless - as he stares into the window of a fancy delicatessen, he realizes he has fallen off the grid: "He understood that he was on the outside now, that he didn't belong here anymore, and that it was perfectly correct to chase him away. Down the slippery slope, sunk without trace, utterly destroyed."
"Little Man - What Now?" became an international hit, translated into more than 20 languages and filmed in both Germany and the United States in the first years of the 1930s. Today its pathos lives on chiefly in the tender song "Kleiner Mann - Was Nun," by a Weimar-era choral group called the Comedian Harmonists, who sang it together onstage until they were banned from performing (a year and a month after the burning of the Reichstag) because half their members were of Jewish descent. In his probing afterword to "Little Man - What Now?" Philip Brady ponders the question of why the book isn't better known today: "Enduring success is one thing, immediate impact is something different, and clearly the immediate impact of Fallada's novel was undeniable." Given our current economic circumstances, the book may have a second chance at impact and endurance.
"The Drinker," which Fallada wrote in 1944 while he was locked up in a criminal asylum for attacking his estranged wife, is a memoirish novel in which a country merchant describes his unrepentant, gloating slide into alcoholism and failure. Erwin Sommer, who has come to hate his wife, Magda, for her business acumen, starts drinking himself senseless, takes up with low company, steals the family savings, threatens to kill Magda and is institutionalized. In the asylum, vain and obdurate, he abases himself like a Karamazov, rolling in the muck he has made of his life, yet putting on airs to the end. "You're an easily offended man, Herr Sommer," a doctor tells him. "But I must tell you quite frankly that in your marriage, your wife is the guiding hand, the superior partner." He urges Sommer to let himself "be sheltered and guided" by her. The words infuriate Sommer: "I could not forgive his remarks about Magda's superior efficiency."
Fallada's books generally recapitulated his personal history, from "Young Goedeschal: A Novel of Puberty," a youthful effort he later disowned, to "Farmers, Functionaries and Fireworks," a fictionalized account of a conflict between rural workers and greedy authorities in Schleswig-Holstein (he covered the dispute while working as a reporter), to the three novels discussed here. "Every Man Dies Alone" stands above these others, perhaps because so many of the circumstances it enfolds lie outside Fallada's firsthand experience, forcing him to harness his empathy and broaden his focus. And yet the novel he wrote about the Hampels reads less like fiction than like an act of witness: a reincarnation of their world, a posthumous tribute to their sacrifice.
But what can be made of the author himself? An enigmatic, complicated figure, Fallada has been the subject of a handful of biographies in German. The fascinating scholarly afterwords contributed to "Little Man - What Now?" by Philip Brady and to "The Drinker" by John Willet retrace the author's life and work, and weigh his contribution. They acknowledge that the critics of Fallada's own era praised him for his "authenticity" and well-drawn characters but questioned his imaginative powers, often dismissing his writing as unpolished or workmanlike - as, in short, an overly literal interpretation of the New Objectivity (Neue Sachlichkeit) that overtook German arts and letters in the 1920s and '30s in revolt against abstraction and expressionism. But at the remove of more than half a century, Fallada's reanimation of the actions, motivations and private terrors of Berliners who are long since dead - leaving a full record of wickedness and, sometimes, goodness - is infused with something else. Call it Alte Sachlichkeit: the reality of another age, restored.
According to Brady, the author once admitted that he "could depict only what he saw, not what might happen." What Fallada saw in Berlin in the 1940s was enough to make a weaker man close his eyes. But Fallada kept his open. He was not strong enough to leave Nazi Germany, although he was given the chance. But he was strong enough to record what he saw. "From the minute I sit down and write the first line," he once explained, "I am lost, a compelling force is in command. That force dictates just how and how much I must write, whether I want to or not, even if it makes me ill. . . . A hundred times I have wondered what it is that drives me so." It was as if he had no choice. On another occasion, he compared his need to write to an "intoxication," like the morphine he once craved. He called it "a poison that I could not shake out of my mind or my body, I was thirsty for it, I wanted to drink more of it, to drink it always, every day for the rest of my life."
The appearance of these three books in English brings to a wider audience the keen vision of a troubled man in troubled times, with more breadth, detail and understanding (if not precisely sympathy) than most other chroniclers of the era have delivered. Perhaps Lucky Hans was stronger than he knew: rich in his misfortunes. To read "Every Man Dies Alone," Fallada's testament to the darkest years of the 20th century, is to be accompanied by a wise, somber ghost who grips your shoulder and whispers into your ear: "This is how it was. This is what happened."
Liesl Schillinger is a regular contributor to the Book Review.
Related First Chapter: 'Every Man Dies Alone' (March 1, 2009)
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The Long War
http://www.nextbook.org/cultural/feature.html?id=3285
The Long War
A 1947 novel about German resistance to the Nazis finally appears in English
by Matthew Shaer
In the late summer of 1944, the German novelist Hans Fallada was committed to a Nazi psychiatric prison in Strelitz-Alt, some 70 miles north of Berlin. The timing-if not the disagreeable circumstances of Fallada's incarceration-was propitious. By the end of August, the Red Army had secured Bucharest and was hurtling towards Poland; to the west, U.S. forces were amassing along Germany's western border. The Nazi leadership, fearing the worst, issued a directive calling all able-bodied men under the age of 60 to the front.
Fallada, born Rudolf Ditzen, was saved both from the indignity of service, which surely would have killed him, and the aftermath of a particularly calamitous divorce. On the evening of August 28, the 51-year-old novelist drunkenly set upon his first wife, Suse, with a loaded pistol. He got off only one errant shot, in the general direction of the kitchen wall, before Suse grabbed the gun and used it to crack Fallada sharply on the skull. She disposed of the weapon in a nearby lake, and a local prosecutor sentenced Fallada to an indefinite term at Strelitz.
The horrors of that prison were manifold. But Fallada had been behind bars several times over the course of his life-first in 1912, after killing his best friend in a botched double-suicide-and seems to have found a modicum of comfort at Strelitz. He temporarily shook the alcoholism that had dogged him his entire life, and eventually he was granted a request for writing materials. Officially, Fallada assured his captors that he intended to finish a state-sanctioned book on a 20-year-old fraud case against a group of Jewish financiers. The Barmat Scandal had helped fan the flames of anti-Semitism in Weimar Germany, and Joseph Goebbels was keen on its revival.
In a letter dated June 1943, a representative of the Propaganda Ministry offered Fallada full "support" if he made the Barmat project a "priority." This was no small insurance at a time when German intellectuals and writers struggled under an intensifying campaign of persecution. As Jenny Williams writes in her 1999 biography, More Lives Than One, Fallada probably had in mind a "survival strategy." He would agree to write the book to Nazi specifications, but stall production until the war had ended.
Fallada was no anti-Semite. His fiction is noticeably solicitous of German Jewry-a fact that had not escaped the attention of the Nazi censors on previous occasions-and he counted among his circle of friends Jewish writers and critics. He was a humanist, but also a pragmatist, and he later dismissed "enterprises such as conspiracies and coups d'etat" as "ridiculous." The ruling powers were too strong, he told himself, and the evil too corruptive. He aimed to pursue a subtler path of defiance.
Over the stretch of September 1943, Fallada began painstakingly filling pages of prison paper with tiny script, often in cramped, circuitous patterns. He eventually completed a small canon of work: a deeply anti-fascist memoir of his life under the Nazis, a series of short stories, and a great novel of addiction, The Drinker. In the margins of one sheet he wrote:
Every ten minutes or so a guard comes into my cell, looks curiously at my scribblings and asks me what I am writing. I reply, "A children's story," and continue writing. I dismiss from my mind all thoughts of what would happen to me if anyone reads these lines.
Fallada was not caught, and in October he walked out the doors of the prison with the 184-page manuscript stuffed under his shirt. A few months later, he married a stunning 22-year-old named Ulla Losch, and when the Russians swept through Germany, Fallada was named mayor of the town of Feldberg. But he was a man unhinged, and public allegations of collaboration and political "opportunism"-this last volley from a former typist-hurt him badly. He slid with Ulla into a mutually enabling morphine addiction, and finally expired in 1947, shortly after finishing his masterpiece, Every Man Dies Alone.
What now to make of such a relatively brief and singularly tortured career? Was Fallada a collaborator and a coward, or was he-as he framed it later in his life, once the Nazis had been safely deposed-a writer crushed under the heel of history? Three books being published next week by Melville House offer a clue. The first is Little Man, What Now?, Fallada's melancholy evocation of poverty in the run-up to war; the second is The Drinker. Both titles have appeared before in English, and the former was the basis for a 1934 Hollywood movie. (The film, which was backed by Jewish producers, apparently caused Goebbels much consternation.) The third, Every Man Dies Alone, appearing for the first time in English, is the real discovery here, and arrives handsomely packaged with a cover blurb from Primo Levi: "The greatest book ever written about the German resistance to the Nazis."
Resistance! The word seems to promise the modern reader the clamor and catharsis of an armed uprising, perhaps in the mode of Levi's own novel, If Not Now, When? And yet the resistance Fallada evokes in Every Man is distinctly small-bore-small enough, in fact, that by the end of the narrative, one of the characters, languishing in Gestapo headquarters, can plausibly wonder aloud, "So I've accomplished nothing?"
The book is based on a propaganda campaign waged by a pair of Berliners, Otto and Elise Hempel, who were eventually captured by the Gestapo, and executed in Plötzensee Prison in 1943. Uneducated and poor, but possessed by a fiery rage against the Nazi regime, the Hempels over a three-year period carpeted their city with postcards calling for a working-class uprising. Fallada was given the Hempels' Gestapo file by a friend in the postwar ministry, and although he claimed initially to be uninterested in the case, he eventually took to its fictionalization with fervor.
In Fallada's telling, Otto and Elise Hempel become Otto and Anna Quangel and the postcard scheme is rendered as allegory-the conscience of a crushed populace, burbling up from the tenements and the factories. Small-scale acts of rebellion abound. An old judge in the Quangels' building takes in Frau Rosenthal, a Jewish neighbor; an aging widow helps protect a lover from the Gestapo; a "cell" of dissidents is assembled and than disbanded. Otto and Anna are largely disconnected from this larger political current. Their postcards condemn oppression-they distribute one card decrying the "persecution of the Jews"-but they remain intentionally oblivious even to the plight of Frau Rosenthal, who hurls herself out of her apartment window, to her death.
In an essay translated by the Australian scholar Geoff Wilkes, who contributed an afterword to the new edition of Every Man, Fallada writes of the Hempels: "As many lonely people, just like many simple minded people, these two (earnestly, without fantasy) believed that they experienced something unique, what happened to them had not happened to anyone else." Not so for the Quangels. The fictional couple are aware that others are suffering, and Anna early on wonders at the possibility of pursuing something grander, like an "attempt to assassinate the Fuhrer." The postcards strike her then as an "obscure and ignoble form of warfare." Only after much consideration does she settle into the "long war," for "she, too, has become patient."
From the comfort of the 21st century, we buck against the notion-how could anyone be patient with so much at stake? But Fallada suggests that morality under Nazi rule was not measured by the size of the struggle; it mattered only that one did not capitulate. Or, more specifically, that one did not betray oneself. As one character tells Otto, after the Quangels have been caught and imprisoned:
At least you resisted evil. You did not become evil. You and I and the many people here in this building and many, many more in other prisons and the institutions and the thousands in concentration camps-they are all still resisting, today, tomorrow . . . .
And therein a mild plea of acquittal. Like many of his countrymen, Fallada was taken by surprise by the violence of Hitler's rise to power, and for much of the war, he remained at his farmhouse in Carwitz with his family. Jenny Williams argues that that Fallada's longstanding and "natural inclination was to run away from unpleasant situations."
That is certainly correct, but on several occasions, Fallada actively sought to placate the authorities. He twice toured the French front on the request of several high-ranking officials, and he revised some of his best work to suit the censors. In 1934, he attached a new foreword to a book called Once a Jailbird, causing Thomas Mann to remark wryly that "in order to be published in Germany a book has to disown and deny its humane philosophy in an introduction."
Of course, unlike Mann, Fallada never left Germany. Officially, he said he loved his country too much. Unofficially he appears to have been worried he might suffer a massive nervous breakdown. Fallada had battled since childhood with mental illness and addiction; his best fiction bears the evidence of deep psychic scarring. "I know I'm weak," Fallada wrote in a final letter to his mother, "but not bad, never bad. But that's no excuse, it's poor enough to at 53 to have become nothing more than a weak man."
One feels for Fallada, while remaining slightly suspicious of his resolve. He knew the extent of the destruction unfurling around him, but failed to raise a single finger in protest. And yet the very act of writing Every Man Dies Alone-to say nothing of the stunning political clout of the novel itself-implies that for Fallada, the artist's true role under fascism was chiefly one of bearing witness. The German people "only recognize the reality they see with their own eyes, not what they are told," Fallada once told a fellow writer. "It is the politicians' job to subordinate themselves to reality. It is the artists' job to describe that reality the way it is." ![]()
Matthew Shaer has written about books for the Los Angeles Times, the Boston Globe, the Village Voice, and the Christian Science Monitor, where he is a staff writer.
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17.01.2009
Unlucky Hans
from : http://www.thenational.ae/article/20090116/REVIEW/8007872...
Hans Fallada spent his life nervously vacillating between rebellion against and co-operation with Nazi rule. But just before his death, Sam Munson finds, he wrote the great novel of German resistance.
Every Man Dies Alone
Hans Fallada
Translated by Michael Hoffman
Melville House
Dh102
To the exquisitely cultured 21st-century reader, Primo Levi’s endorsement of a first-rate thriller as “The greatest book ever written about German resistance to the Nazis” might seem improbable. German literature has a well-deserved reputation for formal and philosophical difficulty. The names that English readers most quickly recognise – Thomas Mann, Alfred Döblin, Günter Grass – have come to be almost synonymous with a vision of the novel as an uncompromising, compositionally demanding object, one that makes little concession to its reader. The German canon is no place for thrillers.
But Levi is right. Every Man Dies Alone, the German novelist Hans Fallada’s final book (now available for the first time in English, in a fluid translation by Michael Hofmann), deserves a place among the 20th century’s best novels of political witness.
The story of the novel’s genesis is as dark as the book itself – and its author’s trouble-heavy life. Fallada, a writer of closer stylistic kinship to Graham Greene than to Günter Grass, was born Rudolf Ditzen in 1893. He began his literary career as an outsider, a transplant to Berlin from the provinces with a passionate interest in European literature, a youthful suicide attempt in his past and a string of drug-related arrests on his record (Fallada suffered from morphine addiction for much of his adult life). In 1932, he produced his first best-seller, Little Man, What Now?, the story of a working-class marriage set in the last days of the Weimar Republic.
Two years later, his next novel, Once We Had A Child, brought him to the unfriendly attention of the Nazi authorities for its deviation from the party line on family life. The remaining 14 years of Fallada’s life were spent vacillating unhappily between rebellion against and co-operation with Hitler’s regime. He planned to leave Germany; he abandoned the plans. He wrote forewords to his own novels aimed at placating the authorities by suggesting that, when read correctly, they did not actually contravene government policies. For a time he avoided serious literature, writing humour books and children’s stories. Then he agreed to produce an anti-Semitic novel for Hitler’s propaganda minister, Joseph Goebbels. But during his subsequent incarceration (for domestic violence) in a psychiatric hospital, he used Goebbel’s (somewhat uncertain) backing to procure pen and paper and produce The Drinker – a piercing novel of alcoholism (one of Fallada’s own vices) and social decay, and surely no piece of agitprop.
Fallada was released in December 1944, just months before the Nazi government fell. Shortly thereafter, one of his friends got him a copy of the Gestapo file on Otto and Elise Hampel, a middle-class couple who had embarked on a dangerous and ultimately pointless leafleting campaign against the government. Working from this material, Fallada – his mental and physical health failing, his family life irreparably damaged by his alcoholism and his political status – wrote Every Man Dies Alone.
The book’s protagonists (they are certainly not heroes) are Otto and Anna Quangel, a factory foreman and his wife. Otto is congenitally silent, Anna pathologically generous of spirit. They have an uneventful marriage; a son, Ottochen, at the front; and a soon-to-be-daughter-in-law, Trudel, at home in Berlin. When Ottochen dies at the front (or “falls”, as the argot of the Hitler years had it), Truden collapses at the news, and Otto breaks his long-running silence. Though he helped vote Hitler into power (“It was true, thus far he had been a believer in the Fuhrer’s honest intentions. One just had to strip away the corrupt hangers-on and parasites”), Otto finds himself disenchanted with the government’s war-making abroad and repression at home. He begins a propaganda campaign against the regime, writing out anti-Hitler postcards by hand and depositing them around Berlin. Anna, who had already taken her own small steps towards resistance by sheltering a Jewish refugee for a single night (much to Otto’s anger), is impressed by her husband’s new expressiveness and, like him, driven to act by Ottochen’s death.
Together they scatter postcards and evade the Gestapo for months, causing hilarious internal strife at the security offices on the Alexanderplatz. Eventually Otto fumbles a card en route to a drop, and he and Anna end up in the hands of the security apparatus. Otto is sentenced to execution by the People’s Court (Nazi Germany’s central organ of extra-judicial public punishment), and he dies by guillotine in a dark, stifling basement. Anna, awaiting her own execution date in Berlin’s Old Moabit Prison, dies in a bomb blast during one of the British bombing runs.
Partisans, whether they hide in a forest with guns or drop postcards in Berlin apartment houses, are supposed to win. Even when they do not, we expect them to possess any number of romantic attributes. The Quangels, however, are boring, morally dubious people. Otto, after all, had been an early supporter of Hitler, if not a party member; Anna’s existence is more or less untouched by political conviction; and the two managed to live for years without the slightest inclination to obstruct their government (Anna’s night of refugee shelter aside). But even as passive a character as Otto can be forced to wakefulness by history:
“No, he says to himself, almost aloud. No, Quangel, you’ll never be the same again. I’m curious what Anna’ll have to say to all this... Foreman Otto Quangel walks alertly from machine to machine, takes a hand here, glowers at a chatterbox there, and thinks to himself, That’s the end of that, for good and all. And they haven’t got a clue. As far as they’re concerned, I’m just a doddery old fool... I wonder what I’m going to do next. Because I will do something, I know. I just don’t yet know what it will be ...”
Fallada interweaves the tale of this failed resistance movement – which he paints as almost senseless, eccentric and foredoomed – with those of the lives affected, directly and indirectly, by the Quangels’ decision: Trudel (their deceased son’s fiancée); Emil Borkhausen, a neighbour of the Quangels’ and a petty criminal who, with his partner Enno Kluge, robs an Aryanised apartment in the Quangels’ building; the tenacious, soulless Inspector Escherisch, the policeman assigned to capture the Quangels, whose failure to do so lands him in prison and who only finds a measure of redemption after his release – through suicide. Almost every character Fallada introduces to us dies, most of them at the hands of the government. Fate is blind and cruel in this book, and fear is the definitive component of German life. The Nazi bureaucracy – in which suffocating, indecipherable organisational codes and casual brutalities merge and thrive – possesses the same frightening omnipresence of the city government in Kafka’s The Trial. Readers of Every Man Dies Alone, however, cannot succour themselves with the thought that these officers, these prisons, this justice, are works of the author’s imagination.
The book’s treatment of the Gestapo is perhaps the ultimate source of its particular greatness. The archetypal German literary work of the war years, for good and ill, is Thomas Mann’s Doktor Faustus: the story of a musician seduced by the dionysian attractions of his art (and, obliquely, of a nation seduced by the power and dark glory of Manichean political evil). Layered with discussions of music theory and theological history, Doktor Faustus is, in short, a novel of metaphysics, not a novel of grim particularity. Thus it neglects the dismal everyday that Fallada chronicles so well and so relentlessly: the quantities of booze drunk by the miserable officers, the number of blows delivered in interrogations, the dimensions of prison cells, the colour and details of police and military uniforms, train schedules, back room low-level party meetings. Where Mann might use the police headquarters on the Prinz Albrecht Strasse as a chance to explain the dialectic between modern and medieval German architecture, Fallada sees only petty human evil in action:
“They caught hold of the still-staggering Borkhausen and slung him down the stairs like a sack of potatoes, tumbling over and over... The next sentry grabbed him by the scruff of his neck and screamed ‘You think you can dirty our nice floor here, you pig!’ dragged him to the exit, and heaved him out into the street... The passersby on the Prinz Albrecht Strasse studiously avoided looking at the man sprawled in the dirt...”
That Fallada discerned in all this, and in the brief rebellion and deaths of the Hampels, fit material for a novel demonstrates a piercing psychological acuity. So does his prose, which hurries mercilessly along, bald and frank as time itself:
“‘I’ll throw you in the water, son of a bitch. And it’ll be self-defence...’ Two shots rang out, in quick succession. The Inspector felt the man crumple between his fists, and topple over. Reflexively, Escherisch made a move as he saw the dead man slip off the edge of the pier. His hands wanted to grab hold of him. Then with a shrug the Inspector watched as heavy body smacked into the water and straightaway disappeared.
“Better that way! He said to himself, as he moistened his dry lips. Less evidence. . . He walked slowly back down the pier, up the bank of the lake towards the station.
“The station was locked, the last train was gone. Indifferently, the Inspector set off on the long walk back to Berlin.
“The clock struck.
“Midnight, thought the inspector. He made it to midnight. I’m curious how he’ll like his peace, really curious. Wonder if he’ll feel cheated again? The piece of s***, the whimpering piece of s***.”
Mann’s impulse to metaphysics – to view the catastrophes of one’s own age and the eruption of subterranean human desires primarily as philosophical or aesthetic events – appears in a plurality, if not a majority, of 20th century German fiction, in writers as varied as Arno Schmidt and Alfred Andersch. In On the Natural History of Destruction, a brilliant collection of essays on postwar German literature, the novelist WG Sebald deems this tendency useless, insufficient — even “dubious”, as he puts it in his discussion of Schmidt.
In Sebald’s opinion, witness to the horrors of the war, and in particular the horrors of the camps, demands something else entirely: books of brutal, surgical clarity, the better to express and confront the cataclysmic, a state of being that became quotidian for Germany’s victims. Sebald cites the work of the novelist Hubert Fichte; better known entrants in this field are Levi’s Survival in Auschwitz, Tadeusz Borowski’s This Way for the Gas, Ladies and Gentlemen, Imre Kertész’s Fatelessness.
Sebald’s diagnosis is more accurate than not; thus we don’t typically think of effective books of witness being written by Germans who had ambiguous relationships with the Nazis. But Fallada did write such a book – in the seemingly-impossible span of 24 days, after which he died. It is telling that he took his pen surname from a figure in The Goose-Girl, one of the fairy tales collected by Jakob and Wilhelm Grimm: Fallada, a hapless talking horse so bent on revealing the truth that decapitation failed to silence him.
Sam Munson has written about books for The Times Literary Supplement, The New York Times Book Review, Commentary and numerous other publications.
[published on january 17, 2009]
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05.04.2008
Qui fût le « psychopathe dégénéré » ?
Richard Bessel : Qui fût le « psychopathe dégénéré » ?


Suivi de « en défense de Hans Fallada,
par Manfred Kuhnke.
Recension de : Jenny Williams – “More Lives than One – a biography of Hans Fallada” (London, Libris, 1998)
(ci-dessus le professeur Jenny Williams et la couverture de l'ouvrage qu'elle a consacré à Hans Fallada)
Wilhelm Ditzen fût un pilier de la société impériale allemande. Un juriste important et contribua au nouveau Code Civil allemand. Il évolua, grâce à une succession de nominations, depuis la Cour de District de Kloster Wennigsen et la faculté de Droit de l’université de Greifswald vers la Kammergericht [Cour de Droit] de Berlin, pour atteindre au point culminant de sa profession quand, en 1908, il fût nommé à la Cour Impériale de Leipzig.
Ce succès professionnel amena l’aisance financière et Wilhelm Ditzen fût à même d’offrir à sa femme, ses deux filles et ses deux fils, une succession de résidences confortables et de longues vacances en Allemagne, en Suisse, en Autriche et en Italie. Il prit sa retraite en mars 1918, six mois avant que son plus jeune fils ne soit tué sur le front occidental et neuf mois avant que le système politique impérial qu’il avait servi si fidèlement ne s’effondre dans la défaite et la révolution [1].
Cependant, le souvenir premier que nous aurons de Wilhelm Ditzen ne sera pas sa carrière solidement réussie. Au contraire, sa plus grande contribution à la postérité fût, fort probablement, d’offrir à son fils Rudolf – un alcoolique, fumeur invétéré, morphinomane, qui à l’âge de dix-huit ans tua un ami proche lors d’un duel, et quelque fois l’hôte de nombreuses institutions psychiatriques – un support financier pour une « année de littérature » en 1918 et 1919. Wilhelm fit cela, malgré son « profond regret que tes projets soient si différents des nôtres », et à la condition que son filspublie sous un autre nom que le sien. Le nom choisit par le Rudolf de vingt-cinq ans fût « Hans Fallada » [2]
Hans Fallada ne connu pas de l’influence ni de l’écho international de son contemporain Bertholt Brecht. De même qu’il n’atteint la proéminence politique de son contemporain Johannes R. Becher, dont les premières années (comme celles de Ditzen) furent marquées par un pacte suicidaire qui tourna mal [3], la consommation de morphine et des visites à des institutions psychiatriques ; mais qui plus tard fût capable de faire suffisamment de compromis pour devenir Ministre de la Culture dans la République Démocratique Allemande. Rudolf Ditzen ne fût pas un grand défenseur de l’expérimentation littéraire et passa plus de temps à détourner les fonds des domaines agricoles où il travaillait comme comptable qu’à participer aux débats littéraires de l’Allemagne de Weimar.
Les préoccupations de Rudolf Ditzen furent d’abord pour lui-même ; ses prescriptions pour les fleaux de son temps concernèrent la morale individuelle plutôt que l’action politique collective. Son inclination fût d’éviter les situations difficiles plutôt que d’y faire face – ainsi sa tentative de se tenir en dehors du Troisième Reich, dans le Mecklenbourg rural et ses arrangements répétés avec les censeurs nazis. « Passivité intellectuelle et émotionnelle » (Martha Dodd [4]) et faiblesse humaine plutôt que certitudes et grandes manifestations politiques fournirent la base à partir de laquelle HansFallada devint un des auteurs des plus prolifiques dans son pays et un observateur social des plus averti. Il fût, ainsi qu’il en convint dans une lettre à sa mère, un peu avant sa mort : « faible, mais point nul ».
Jenny Williams a fait un travail admirable en rassemblant les vies de Rudolf Ditzen et de Hans Fallada. Elle a exploité les Archives Fallada à Felderg, dans le Mecklenbourg, parlé avec la première femme de Rudolf Ditzen, Anna, et a exploré aussi bien les productions littéraires de Rudolf Ditzen que la littérature secondaire qui a poussé autour de lui. Il en résulte un livre instructif et attachant sur un sujet extrêmement intéressant. Peut-être qu’inévitablement la biographie tombe parfois dans la spéculation à partir de faits et procède comme si cette spéculation étaient les faits eux-mêmes [6]. Le traitement du contexte historique est souvent simpliste, parfois discordants et, en certains endroits inexact (ainsi on peut, par exemple, y lire la rencontre entre Adolf Hitler et Hugo Stinnes, sept ans après la mort de l’industriel ). Et le livre n’emmène pas le lecteur bien au-delà de la description vers l’interprétation. Toutefois le sujet est suffisamment fascinant et le travail de recherches suffisamment consciencieux pour soutenir le récit, qui révèle une grande quantité de choses sur la nature fragile de l’Allemagne impériale, le désordre des années Weimar et les problèmes pour écrire et publier une littérature digne de ce nom sous le nazisme.
Ce qui apparaît peut-être le plus clairement dans « More Lives than One » est l’importance durable de la jeunesse et de l’adolescence de Rudolf Ditzen – en tat que vivant en marge, il ne pouvait ni ne voulait s’adapter à la culture bourgeoise sécurisante, confortable, privilégiée mais étouffante, de l’Allemagne impériale. Son rejet du monde bourgeois l’amena aux excès d’alcools, à la drogue, au sexe, au crime, à la prison ; à mettre en parallèle avec l’Allemagne de Weimar et son histoire agitée de défaite, de révolution, d’inflation et de violence. En Mars 1926, la Cour criminelle de Kiel, condamnant Rudolf Ditzen à deux ans et demi d’emprisonnement pour détournement de fonds, le décrivit comme un « psychopathe complètement dégénéré ». Rudolf Ditzen se rétablit assez (provisoirement) pour se guérir de sa dépendance, pour se marier et, en 1932, achever le roman auquel il doit sa célébrité : « Et puis après ? ». Hans Fallada connu le succès tandis que l’Allemagne glissait dans la catastrophe. Une année plus tard, avec « Et puis après ? » devenu un best-seller et Hitler occupant la Chancellerie du Reich, ce fût toute l’Allemagne qui se mit à ressembler à une « psychopathe dégénéré ».
Richard Bessel (2 octobre 1998)
(traduction : Alain C. / Avril 2008)
oOo
Manfred Kuhnke
En défense de Hans Fallada
Monsieur,
Dans un compte-rendu sophistiqué de la méticuleuse biographie de Hans Fallada, par Jenny Williams, « More Lives Than One » (2 octobre 1998), Richard Bessel examine les caractéristiques uniques de la vie de cet écrivain allemand. Hans Fallada passa les années les plus importantes en tant qu’écrivain dans l’émigration intérieure, au sein de l’Allemagne nazie, et, même si dans ses meilleurs livres il fit en sorte de préserver ses idéaux humanistes, il ne put éviter de faire certains compromis avec le régime nazi. Le professeur Bessel montre les relations complexes entre la production littéraire de Fallada et les structures du pouvoir en Allemagne à l’époque et reconnaît comment Jenny Williams a réussi à présenter les détails de la vie personnelle unique de l’écrivain tout en démontrant en même temps le contexte familial et les pressions sociales de l’Allemagne Wilhelmienne ont transformé Rudolf Ditzen en Hans Fallada.
Cependant, il y a deux accusations pour lesquelles je voudrais discuter avec Bessel. Le jugement porté en 1939 par Martha Dodd sur Hans Fallada (« un des auteurs des plus prolifiques dans son pays et un observateur social des plus averti ») est considéré comme peu sérieux et incomplet, dans la mesure où il ne tient pas compte des œuvres de Hans Fallada après que Martha Dodd ait quitté l’Allemagne lorsque son père, ambassadeur des Etats-Unis, fût rappelé en 1937. Aussi est-il dommage que Richard Bessel ait choisi d’étayer son appréciation de l’écrivain par les déclarations de Martha Dodd.
D’autre part, je ne suis pas non plus d’accord Richard Bessel critiquant Jenny Williams d’être rien moins qu’exacte avec les faits historiques. Par exemple, quand Jenny Williams prétend que l’industriel « Hugo Stinnes dit à Hitler en juillet 1931 qu’il partageait son but » elle se base sur une lettre d’Hugo Stinnes junior à Hitler en juillet 1931, dans laquelle il presse le führer de repousser les frontières allemandes vers l’Est. C’est une lettre très connue, souvent citée. Dans le livre de Jenny Williams, il n’y est pas fait mention, comme le prétend Richard Bessel, d’une « rencontre entre Adolf Hitler et Hugo Stinnes, sept ans après la mort de l’industriel ».
Manfred KUHNKE
Hans-Fallada Gesellschaft,
Eichholz 3, 17258, Feldberg, Deutschland
oOo
Notes du Traducteur :
1 - Dominique Venner, dans sa contribution au Dossier H consacré à Ernst Jünger, évoquer cet « effondrement » en citant le journaliste Theodor Wolff qui écrit au soir du 9 novemre 1918 : « Il y a une semaine existait un appareil administratif militaire et civil si ramifié, si profondément imbriqué et enraciné, qu’il seblait devoir se maintenir au-delà des vicissitudes du temps. Dans les rues de Berlin fonçaient les automobiles grises des officiers, sur toutes les places, on voyait des agents de police, telles les colonnes du pouvoir ; une gigantesque organisation militaire paraissait tout embrasser, dans les bureaux et les ministères trônait une bureaucratie apparemment invincible. Hier matin, tout se maintenait encore. Hier après-midi, plus rien de cela n’existait ». – Dominique Venner : Ernst Jünger et la génération perdu (1920-1932), in BARTHELET, Philippe (Dir.), Dossier H –Ernst Jünger, Paris, L’âge d’homme, 2000 [NdT].
2 – On sait que ce nom de plume fut choisit par Rudolf Ditzen dans deux contes des frères Grimm : « Jean le chanceux » (pour Hans) et « La gardeuse d’oie » (pour Fallada – nom de ce cheval décapité qui continuait de parler. nb : dans le conte, Falada s’écrit avec un seul ‘l’). Une traduction des deux contes est proposée sur ce site. [NdT]
3 – sur Johannes R. Becher (1891-1958) il y a peu d’informations sur le net. Signalons toutefois une brève bio-bibliographie, en anglais, sur le site http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/modlanggerman/3 [NdT].
4 – Martha Dood, fille de William E. Dodd, l’ambassadeur des Etats-Unis d’Amérique à Berlin de 1933 à 1937, année où il fût rappelé dans son pays. Elle fut proche de Ernst Rowohlt, l’éditeur de Hans Fallada qu’elle rencontra à plusieurs reprises. De part les relations de son père, elle aida des résistants à fuir l’Allemagne. Elle fût également activement en contact avec le groupe de résistance des « Gegner » (les adversaires), animé par Arvid Harnack et Harro Schulze-Boysen.
Sur Martha Dodd, on peut consulter le site (en anglais) : http://www.traces.org/marthadodd.html [NdT].
6 – Bien évidemment nous sommes très loin de partager cet avis [NdT].
oOo
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Perdus / Trouvés
Perdus / Trouvés
Anthologie de littérature oubliée
Une épique publication de Monsieur Toussaint Louverture (2007).
« Tout le monde se fout des auteurs oubliés.
Sinon, ils ne seraient pas oubliés ».
oOo
Peut-on encore parler de littérature oubliée après l’hommage rendu par les Editions Monsieur Toussaint Louverture qui ont publié l’an dernier ?
Voyons plutôt : un livre de facture élégante, sur papier Rives Design extra blanc 350 gr (je tiens à souligner ce détail si important de nos jours où la majorité des livres publiés par les gros éditeurs sont de qualité fort moyenne, pour ne pas dire parfois douteuse), composé de 544 pages.
Pas moins de 22 auteurs y sont présents, dont certains connaissent encore une reconnaissance chez les lecteurs – même les moins avertis. Je pense à Clark Ashton Smith (dont Lovecraft disait que personne ne l’égalait « dans le traitement de l’horreur cosmique » [1]), Hanns Heinz Ewers, O. Henry et bien sûr Hans Fallada (remis ‘en route’ par les Editions Denoël).
Mais l’occasion, pour moi en tout cas, de découvrir les autres (pas encore « oubliés » puisque inconnus !) : Pierre Humbourg, Jean-Marc Aubert, Paul Scheerbart, Gaston de Palowski, Marc Agapit, François Valorbe, Jean Duperray, Sherwood Anderson & Ring W. Lardner, Adolfo Bioy Casares, André aillon, William Sansom, Israël Zangwill, Yvonne Escoula (seule présence féminine dans ce recueil), Robert Crégut & Loys Masson, Noël Calef, Henri Avelot.
Le livre est illustré de gravures sur bois de Roberto Valturio (1555) qui sot remarquables.
Enfin, chaque texte est suivi d’une notice présentant l’auteur et son œuvre, ce qui permet d’en savoir immédiatement plus (et en profondeur) sans devoir quitter l’ouvrage pour se jetter sur le premier moteur de recherche venu et perdre ainsi un temps précieux, interrompant cette agréable lecture… qui se veut également chemin d’aventures, de découvertes et de rencontres.
oOo
Bien entendu, le premier texte qui a retenu notre attention (et pour ne pas le cacher, nous a fait commander cet ouvrage) est celui signé Hans Fallada : « Je cherche mon vieux ».
La traduction a été réalisée par Marie Bouquet, qui a su bien rendre l’atmosphère et le ton gouailleur du narrateur, un jeune marginal qui raconte à un juge qui l’accuse de vol pourquoi il n’a pas volé cette bicyclette. Résumer cette nouvelle est difficile – j’aurais trop peur de trop en dire. Mais on retrouve dans ce court récit (16 pages) l’atmosphère des romans : de petites gens, plutôt paumés, des familles désunies, des mœurs parfois dissolues… Et puis, pour se débrouiller : le maraudage, la rapine et pour oublier : l’alcool… thème récurrent chez Hans Fallada [2]. Le ton du récit est haletant – on imagine le narrateur pressé d’en finir mais se perdant dans les détails malgré tout, peut-être parce qu’il n’a jamais rencontré d’oreille attentive au cours de son enfance et il rattrape le temps perdu, fut-ce avec un juge !
La traductrice, Marie Bouquet, signe également la notice qui présente la vie et l’œuvre de Hans Fallada, apportant également des détails nouveaux (aux lecteurs francophones en particuliers). L’abondance des références, la description d’œuvres peu connues (comme le roman du prisonnier, par exemple) montre que Marie Bouquet ne s’est pas contentée de compiler quelques bribes mais a réalisé un fort beau texte – très dense – sur cet auteur que nous aimons tant.
Félicitons donc la traductrice pour son travail (et sa générosité) et les Editions MTL d’avoir « augmenté » la bibliographie française de Hans Fallada.
Comme nous aimerions qu’ils n’en restent pas là, il y a encore tellement de grands textes à traduire : ‘Damals bei uns daheim’ ; Heute bei uns zu Haus’ ; ses œuvres de jeunesse, son journal sans oublier son récit de prisonnier ‘Strafgefangener, Zelle 32 – Tagebuch 22. Juni – 2 September 1924’… et bien d’autres que j’oublie ici.
Alain C. (Avril 2008)
oOo
Editions Monsieur Toussaint Louverture
26, rue de l’Etoile – 31 Toulouse
www.monsieurtoussaitlouverture.net
2 - Nous ne désespérons pas de trouver le temps de faire une recension des passages relatifs à l’alcool dans les romans de Hans Fallada (car certains sont rendent très bien cette sensation de malaise liée aux mauvais réveils les lendemains de cuite sévère… qui n’a jamais connu ça !)
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25.01.2008
Un roman d’avant la catastrophe
original sur : http://www.humanite.fr/2007-10-06_Cultures_Un-roman-d-avant-la-catastrophe
Nous avons trouvé cet article de François Eychart qui livre une recension fort bien faite, pleine de pertinence, sur cette nouvelle traduction de « Kleiner Mann, was nun ? »
Ce genre de recensions, ni trop élogieuse, ni trop vague, mais au contraire étayée de réflexions solides, est bien rare de nos jours. Sans doute, François Eychart, que nous ne connaissions pas avant de lire ce texte, est un personnage brillant mais, et surtout, prouve par ses propos qu’il a non seulement lu l’ouvrage en entier mais en à compris le sens et en explique les rouages essentiels. Puisse cette recension vous donner l’envie de vous jetter sur « Quoi de neuf, petit homme ? ».
Alain C (janvier 2008)
Cultures - Article paru le 6 octobre 2007
Les LETTRES françaises
Un roman d’avant la catastrophe
Tableau de l’Allemagne de Weimar. Quoi de neuf, petit homme ? de Hans Fallada, touche à des comportements de crise qui s’observent aussi dans la France d’aujourd’hui.
L’Allemagne ne cesse de poser problème. Pas celle d’aujourd’hui dont l’évolution est assez semblable à la nôtre, mais celle des années trente qui ouvre sur la période brune dans laquelle on a tendance à voir la quintessence de ce qui a menacé notre civilisation. Le succès des Bienveillantes, de Jonathan Littell, montre que la capacité de fascination du Moloch hitlérien reste inentamée. L’attrait pour ce genre d’ouvrages est d’ailleurs renforcé par le fait qu’ils intègrent les travaux des historiens, ce qui permet de pénétrer dans les arcanes d’une horreur dont on ne connaissait qu’une partie. Mais si les oeuvres récentes s’imposent, il ne faudrait pas pour autant oublier que certains romans, écrits à l’époque des faits - par exemple la Septième Croix , d’Anna Seghers -, constituent des chefs-d’oeuvre nullement déclassés.
Les lecteurs de Seul dans Berlin retrouveront les qualités d’écriture et d’intrigue qui les ont marqués. Alors que ce roman racontait la fin de l’histoire du monstre, Quoi de neuf ? traite du début de la crise. Entre ces deux romans il nous manque toute une partie de l’oeuvre de Fallada (par exemple Loup parmi les loups ou Gustave-de-fer) que les éditeurs français devraient réimprimer.
Quoi de neuf, petit homme ? est un roman d’avant la catastrophe. Son grand mérite est de la cerner et de l’exposer dans les menus aspects de la vie quotidienne alors qu’elle n’était pas encore consommée et que rares étaient ceux qui pouvaient dire comment tout finirait.
Il faut en effet imaginer la profondeur de la crise qui touche l’Allemagne dans les années vingt. C’est d’abord un pays vaincu dont la jeunesse a été décimée et dont les milieux populaires gardent les stigmates des privations très dures qu’il a fallu supporter. La chute de l’empire des Hohenzollern a provoqué dans les esprits un séisme dont l’onde de choc n’est pas morte, entretenue par les partis nationalistes qui exploitent les contraintes odieuses du traité de Versailles et s’en prennent à la République. Tout cela surinfecté par la rapacité des grands industriels.
Dans ces conditions, comment un simple employé plutôt insouciant peut-il envisager sa vie quand il vient de rencontrer une jeune fille qui lui fait tourner la tête ? Et d’abord comment affronter la nouvelle qu’elle est enceinte ? En optant pour épouser celle qu’il nomme Bichette Johannes Pinneberg ne fait que se conformer à la tradition, quoi qu’il lui en coûte certainement de mettre fin à une vie de garçon qui n’est pas déplaisante. Alors que Johannes (qu’elle appelle non sans finesse le Môme) est inséré dans un milieu d’employés peu revendicatifs, Bichette vient d’une famille ouvrière où l’on est fier d’une combativité de classe. Quand elle le présente à sa famille, le père comme la mère font sentir qu’ils auraient préféré un gendre ouvrier. Il eût été un allié alors qu’un employé est considéré comme un faible louvoyant entre les obstacles.
Le Môme et Bichette s’engagent vite dans une longue dégringolade imposée par la crise du capitalisme qui écrase les petits employés comme les autres pour tirer son épingle du jeu. Dans un Berlin où les exclus et les miséreux craignent le regard du moindre policier mais côtoient des excentriques et des spéculateurs, qui perdent en une nuit une année du salaire d’un employé, la morale d’antan a volé en éclats. Il en reste des morceaux épars servant à regrouper les nostalgiques de la grande Allemagne qui s’organisent pour remettre de l’ordre dans un pays qui descend la pente et hoquette sur ses valeurs anciennes.
Bichette mène un combat pour que son mari conserve des principes, ne s’engouffre pas dans des trafics qui le déclasseraient définitivement. L’héritage idéologique et moral de sa famille parle en elle. Quoique la politique n’intervienne presque jamais au sein du couple, quand le Môme réfléchit à l’attitude de sa femme il constate qu’en fait elle est du côté du KPD. Fallada fait de cette femme une belle figure de combattante pour qui les seuls gages de survie sont les valeurs auxquelles elle est attachée.
Ce roman du bord du gouffre fait sentir l’équilibre instable et menaçant des forces qui travaillent l’Allemagne. « Les plus pauvres, les plus durs étaient soit communistes, soit nazis… Pinneberg n’avait toujours pas pu se décider pour l’un ou pour l’autre, il s’était dit que le plus simple était de se faufiler comme ça, mais il semblait que c’était justement ce qu’il y avait de plus difficile. » Peut-être faut-il voir dans ce constat une anticipation du choix qui attend Fallada et qu’il ne fera pas. À l’encontre de bien des intellectuels allemands de l’époque il n’a pas quitté le Reich, victime sans doute des illusions qui suggéraient que Hitler ne durerait pas, puis il s’est résigné. Il est vrai qu’il aurait fallu partir tout de suite, la porte sur l’exil se refermant très vite. S’il ne s’est pas compromis avec les nazis (il eut même des ennuis), il a d’une certaine manière payé le fait d’être resté en Allemagne puisque les éditeurs français se sont empressés de le publier massivement entre 1940 et 1944 pour complaire à Vichy en gonflant leur catalogue d’oeuvres germaniques, souvent hâtivement traduites. En 1945, à la demande de Johannes Becher (futur ministre de la Culture de la RDA), Fallada s’est installé à Berlin-Est. Il avait enfin fait son choix ou plutôt il manifestait enfin son choix. Il meurt en 1947 ayant écrit Seul dans Berlin que Primo Lévi présentera comme « l’un des plus beaux livres sur la résistance allemande antinazie ».
Fallada excelle à rendre la vie des déclassés et des petites gens qu’il adosse à l’histoire tout en évitant qu’elle n’en soit que le reflet. C’est ce qui donne à ce roman sa force et son attrait. Quoi de neuf, petit homme ? est à rapprocher des ouvrages de Glaeser, de Döblin, d’Anna Seghers et de quelques autres, parmi les meilleurs. D’autant que le monde de Fallada ressemble par bien des aspects à celui que notre société produit.
Hans Fallada, Quoi de neuf, petit homme ? traduction de Laurence Courtois. Éditions Denoël, 444 pages, 22 euros.
François Eychart
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